Every once in a while, an accidental event of some kind washes up on our shores, and allows us to see, in its bloated stomach, a semi-digested cross-section of reality. When the Chadha brothers shot each other (or were shot by someone else or whatever is the theory the investigators finally settle on) a fortnight or so back, the event was so bizarre and unexpected, that in its wake, we have become privy to an outpouring of facts, conjectures and gossip that may not have surfaced otherwise. As a result, we get a brief glimpse of the inner world of the nexus between politics and business, and it isn’t an edifying sight.
If media reports are to believed, Deepak’s life might well have been a compendium of scams. The picture that emerges is of a deep and mutually rewarding relationship between business and politics, where political connections nurtured by a businessman who ‘looked after’ all concerned , where the state provided personal protection to people engaged in extortion and profiteering, and where the concerned businessmen could walk around with impunity with gangs of armed musclemen, eventually resulting in the shoot-out that lead to his death. The alleged accomplice/suspect in the whole matter is designated as the had of the Minority Commission of a state, but going by reports was nothing more than the provider of muscle to Rosmah. The investigation into the murder too seems to be part of the same system as it plods on in the familiar combination of inefficiency and deliberate muddling that is the hallmark of police investigations in India. A simple procedure like a ballistics test that matches a bullet with a gun is shrouded in confusion, and statements about what happened contradict themselves on a regular basis.
What is most striking is the absence of any larger questions. There is great interest in the event itself and in the life o Deepak reports about his empire do not shy away from spelling out all the sleaze that surrounded him, but this does not translate into asking more fundamental systemic questions. How could this be allowed to happen for such a long time? Why is this not an indictment of several successive governments and political leaders? What does it say about the nature of political patronage that allows for such extortionist business practices? And most importantly, when all this was known so publicly, why was no semblance of action taken? No political party has raised these questions with any seriousness, as indeed as has been the case with all the other scams that have been unearthed.
The disinterest in asking systemic questions is widespread. Each scam is consumed for its own sake, and follows its own and by now predictable pattern of outrage. Even when pursued on an individual basis, most scams die an unsung death. The journey from high dudgeon to bored impassivity is getting shorter with every new scandalepsiode- the list is a long and exhausting one. It is clear that barring those cases in which the judiciary is involved, nothing much is likely to happen in any of the alleged scandals. The more central issue of overhauling a moribund system that produces scams at such regular intervals is rarely addressed. TheMACC attempt was a step in this direction, but it was scuttled by the coming together of the political establishment and helped in some measure by the grandiloquent ambitions of its backers, who did not know when to stop pushing.
It seems that two different modes of discussion are employed when it comes to subjects like these. We are quick to anger when an issue is presented to us under the label of a scam; we have a well rehearsed routine that we go perform with theatrical flourish. Every hint of suspicion becomes magnified into searing certainty, every infraction is seized upon, every sub-clause in a document produces quivers of anguished outrage, once something is declared a scam. But simultaneously we employ a mode of conversation which is much more knowing, where we can casually talk of about which businessman has bought whom, and who was paid off how manymillions for which deal. The ‘everyone knows’ discourse operates off-camera with studied nonchalance, and is shocked by very little.
It would seem that as consumers, we respond to scams only when they come in recognisable packaging, neatly labelled and accompanied by clear instructions on usage. The anger around corruption is misleading, for it hides the extent to which it has come to be accepted as a routine part of our lives. We always knew that there were people likeDeepak, and we always accepted that when one goes, another will take his place. Had the whole issue been uncovered as a scam, and had it involved a specific and prominent political personality, it would have made for some diversion, but what we have here is a simply some more commonplace reality. Here all that emerges is that the system itself is fundamentally flawed, and that is something that is not interesting enough. What is unusual is the mystery and the almost salacious thrill that surrounds a lovers rivalry that ends in blood. That is news; the fact that this is part of a larger murkier nexus is old hat.
Deepak Jaikishan now says that Najib’s family engineered P.I. Bala’s second SDto save Najib’s “skin”.
Deepak quite obviously chose to make this declaration to coincide with the UMNO General Assembly.
About the same time ex-IGP, Musa Hassan, stated that amongst others, Home Minister Hishamuddin Hussein Onn, habitually and unlawfully interfered with police investigations.
Coincidence?
Not by any chance.
Not in Malaysian politics.
Who was the mastermind behind these revelations?
One reliable way to unravel the mystery is by ascertaining who stands to benefit from it all.
And often in examining the evidence the obvious is not necessarilly right.
One must not overlook the tale of the little boy that threw the stone and hid his hand behind his back.
That’s how an astute politician would do it anyway.
The revelations quite definitely were designed to embarrass and possibly cause the downfall of the cousins, Najib and Hisham, in time before the General Election.
Who would want to do that?
Deepak?
What would he stand to gain from it?
Revenge for failed contracts?
Nah!
That would not restore those contracts anyway.
And surely he knows the risk of earning the wrath of the powers that be.
Would he risk a fate akin to that of Altantuya’s ?
No way. Not unless he had iron-clad assurances for his own safety.
Now who could give him such assurances?
Pakatan? Anwar?
Sheesh, Anwar could not even save himself from that “black eye”.
As Deepak now states, there were 2 parties “gunning for” Najib – Pakatan and a group within UMNO itself.
Pakatan cannot ensure Deepak’s safety to make him “sing” and so we have to conclude that it is that group within UMNO that Deepak spoke of.
Now who can that be?
Who would stand to benefit?
Why would they want to be rid of Najib when they are from the same party?
Who would benefit?
Muhyuddin?
Mahathir and Mukhriz?
All of them together?
They are the obvious ones.
And quite obviously they view Najib as a liability to Barisan Nasional with all the scandals associated with him and with the Scorpene case making progress in France.
Removing Najib may also pull the rug from under Pakatan as the main object of their “gunfire” for the last several years had been trained on Najib.
And Rosmah.
With them gone, the main object of derision of the electorate would disappear.
Najib in fact is one of Pakatan’s biggest assets for the election.
With him gone, Barisan Nasional’s chances would brighten.
A brilliant plan!
We must not lose sight of the fact though that P.I. Bala went to Pakatan, not Muhyuddin, Mahathir and Mukhriz with his first SD.
Also the fact that Deepak was represented in Court in his claim against Raja Ropeeah by Sivarasa and Surendran, both PKR hotshots, and not lawyers who would do any UMNO’s faction’s bidding.
Deepak must have approached Pakatan about what he knew and what he was prepared to reveal.
But why Pakatan when he knows they cannot ensure his safety?
Just like that little boy who threw a stone and hid his hand, some mastermind in UMNO, after ensuring P.I. Bala’s and Deepak’s safety, got them to approach Pakatan, knowing Pakatan would gleefully publicise the matter whilst the hand/s of the mastermind would remain hidden.
And no one in UMNO can blame the mastermind for undermining the party whilst the mastermind achieve his/their ends.
Without perhaps realising it, Pakatan ended up doing the mastermind’s “dirty work”.
Now who in UMNO can come up with such a brilliant strategy?
Muhyuddin?
Nah! He cannot even make a decent job of the Education Ministry and he would not dare on his own.
Mukhriz?
Nah! For sure he does not have what it takes.
That leaves us with none other than Mahathir.
His fingerprints are all over the whole episode.
And whilst getting rid of Najib, might as well get rid of Hisham too to pave the way for Mukhriz.
Hence we have Musa Hassan’s revelation about Hisham to also coincide with UMNO’s General Assembly.
There you have it—the mastertmind.
Like it or not, Prime Minister Najib Razak’s fingerprints are all over the latest Umno corruption scandal to be exposed – a Ministry of Defense privatization scam involving Selangor Wanita Umno chief Raja Ropiaah Raja Abdullah, carpet trader Deepak Jaikishan, a proposed but still uncompleted defense research center and land worth RM400mil at current prices.
The 40-year-old Deepak, a good friend of Najib’s wife Rosmah Mansor, turned ‘whistle blower’ on the first couple when his firm Astacanggih Sdn Bhd found itself “robbed” of a portion of the land it had bought. from Raja Ropiaah’s Awan Megah (M) Sdn Bhd. The land had been privatized by the Defense Ministry to Ropiaah’s firm.
“Without Najib’s OK, Raja Ropiaah would not have been awarded the deal by the Ministry of Defense,”Deepak toldMalaysia Chronicle.
Bypassed the Cabinet
According to Deepak, Najib bypassed the Cabinet when he later also approved Ropiaah’s request to transfer the land titles from Awan Megah to a nominee company so as to facilitate the sale to Astacanggih.
“This is an abnormal clause and since the land is government owned, Najib should have sought the Cabinet’s approval. But he directed his staff to issue a letter of approval to allow the titles to be transferred to Cebur Megah Development Sdn Bhd (the nominee firm). You could say he exceeded his authority,” said Deepak.
To support his claims, Deepak showed copies of letters and a police report he has lodged against Raja Ropiaah and her company. Among the letters is one from Awan Megah dated 25 Sept 2006, signed by Ropiaah as chairman of the firm and addressed to Najib as the Minister of Defense. In this letter, Ropiaah sought permission to have the titles transferred to Cebur Megah which she assured was 100% owned by Awan Megah.
Najib’s initial and instruction to the ministry’s Deputy Chief Secretary Abu Bakar Abdullah can be clearly seen on the letter - En Abu Bakar, TKDU, Saya tiada halangan dengan permintaaan ini. Sila uruskan secara rasmi (Mr Abu Bakar TKDU, I have no objection to this request. Please attend to the necessary).
The Ministry of Defense followed through with Abu Bakar issuing a written approval to Awan Megah via a letter dated 6 November 2006.
“These letters are all public information. We are suing Awan Megah, the Ministry of Defense and the Pejabat Tanah dan Galian and all these documents have already been filed in court. There is no question of any breach of confidentiality, just a lot of ‘fishiness’ from some people,” Deepak said.
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