The Election Year Outsourcing that No One’s Talking About
“Hold fast to the hope of God, all together, and be not divided.” –Quran 3:103
“Islam is simple,” the taxi driver explained to me as he drove me to the Center for Shariah Studies in Muscat, the capital of Oman in the southeastern corner of the Arabian Peninsula. “Basically, Islam is like a tree, and all of the various denominations are branches on the tree, they make up the entirety of the religion,” he said. The driver’s insightful comment introduced me to the beliefs of the Ibadi denomination in Islam, which represents a majority of Omani citizens and a small minority of Muslims worldwide.
My recent journey to Oman brought new insights, offered both by erudite scholars of Islamic law as well as ordinary Omanis. Home to Ibadis, as well as Sunnis, small groups of several branches of Shiism and foreigners from various faith traditions, Oman represents a unique situation of relative interreligous harmony. In a time where intra- and inter-religious conflicts seem to dominate the headlines, Oman is a stable nation ruled by an absolute monarch, Sultan Qaboos. Perhaps partly due to the strict rule of the Sultan, Oman has seen little turmoil in recent years. Omanis are proud of their country’s tolerant attitude toward religious minorities and although they like to differentiate themselves through their distinct Ibadi background, they consider any Muslim who prays toward the direction of Mecca to be a Muslim, no matter what their specific theological beliefs may be.
Oman represents a calm oasis in the midst of a cyclone of intra-Muslim ignorance and brutality. My time there stirred me to reflect on the disheartening situation of Muslims in the modern world and their futile struggle to create impenetrable boundaries based on superficial religious differences. While around the Muslim-majority world, Sunnis, Shiites, Ibadis and others have lived in relative calm and harmony for hundreds of years, recent political factors have kindled the flames of sectarian violence.
Most Americans are aware of the sectarian violence in Iraq, where there have been countless cases of sectarian violence from both sides. In some areas of Iraq, it is dangerous to have an overtly Sunni or Shiite name in the wrong neighborhood and people must navigate parts Baghdad according to their sectarian identity. Shiite pilgrims walking on foot to the city of Karbala have been killed on a regular basis by suicide bombers and car bombs: the question is usually not if the attacks will happen, but when. Terrorists also have killed worshipers during Friday prayers at Sunni mosques, and there seems to be no end to these merciless assaults despite efforts at reconciliation by activists and clerics.
In Afghanistan, Shiites mourning the death of Husayn were massacred by a man who allegedly belonged to a militant Sunni Pakistani terrorist organization. Saudi Arabia continues to treat its Shiite minority population as second class citizens, depriving them of the rights granted to the rest of its Muslim citizens and swiftly suppresses any protestsagainst the government. The Sunni ruling family of nearby Bahrain continues to oppress the Shiite majority with the help of the other Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries, and the situation in Syria has devolved into a full-blown civil war with sectarian undertones. Even in Indonesia, far removed from the Middle East, Shiites have sufferedverbal abuse and physical attacks by radical Sunni Muslims. Egypt, a country known more for its tolerant and welcoming environment has witnessed an increasing fear of Shiism,especially in reaction to the growing population of Iraqi refugees, many of whom are Shiites, as well as Egyptian converts to Shiism.
Muslims in the West are not immune to the problem of intra-Muslim hostility and Sunnis and Shiites more often than not worship in separate communities. Conflict starts with the tongue and sometimes can end up with bloodshed: last March, the largest Shiite mosque in Belgium was firebombed and the Imam of the mosque killed in the fire, the alleged perpetrator is said to have been a radical Sunni Muslim. While Muslims often come together to respond to rampant Islamophobia, most Americans are unaware that Muslims have internal disputes and lack unity on many other issues. Many Muslims are involved ininterfaith dialogue, yet some of these same people might be reluctant to involve themselves in intra-Muslim dialogue, unable to accept other Muslims who hold differing beliefs. It would appear that interfaith engagement is — at times — less threatening than intrafaithengagement.
In the U.S., it is not uncommon to find mosques with constitutions that stipulate potential members be Sunni and follow one of the four Sunni schools of law to join the mosque as a member. While they most probably would not turn away a Shiite worshiper, the anti-Shiite attitude that is prevalent in the majority of mosques often makes non-Sunnis feel unwelcome. Moreover, mosques often demarcate their communities by ethnicity, spiritual inclinations, political affiliations and other identity markers, causing further unnecessary separation between Muslims of varying backgrounds.
Much of the intra-Muslim discrimination that takes place in the Muslim community is not obvious to outsiders and few people are wiling to discuss this issue in public out of fear of reproach from within the community. Some young people are warned by their parents to only consider spouses from the same denominations. Young Sunnis and Shiites do fall in love and get married, navigating the challenges to raise their children between their different understandings of Islam. Some Sunnis refuse to pray behind a Shiite prayer leader (imam) as they consider Shiite prayer and ablution methods to be invalid; and some Shiites will not pray behind Sunnis for the same reasons.
Of course, there are many exceptions, and Muslims who are aware of the nuances of Islamic law and those who are more concerned with unity than sectarian strife consistently make an effort to reach out to their fellow Muslims from different backgrounds. There are a handful of mosques and Islamic centers that explicitly cater to Muslims from all backgrounds, regardless of their ethnic, political or sectarian affiliation, such as the Islamic Center of Southern California, whose ideology specifically states: “Sect, school of thought, are a matter of personal preference, not a community policy.” One can only pray that other mosques develop similar attitudes toward the creation of a pluralistic community and the ability to accept difference. Most Muslim Student Associations (MSA) at university campuses around the country cater primarily to Sunni students, but a few of the more inclusive MSAs have made laudable efforts to fully engage with students and community members from diverse backgrounds.
The first step to combating this problem — at least in America — is through education and by spreading awareness about the dangers of disunity, as it states in the Quran:
Surely, those who have made divisions in their religion and turned into factions, you have nothing to do with them. Their case rests with God; then He will inform them of what they used to do (Quran, 6:159).
While Muslims from diverse backgrounds might want to participate in certain rituals within their specific community, there is no reason why they cannot also come together to pray and socialize at the same mosques and Islamic centers, and perhaps even join in certain rituals and celebrations together.
While Sunnis and Shiites may never be able to agree on the fine points of theology, they should be able to learn how to coexist with each other and to join forces to create a unified, stronger community. Many initiatives have been undertaken by Muslims, specifically scholars, to encourage intra-Muslim dialogue and tolerance, such as the 2004 Amman Message – signed by the most prominent contemporary Muslim scholars from around the world — which explicitly states that eight branches of Islam are legitimate denominations in Islam. Most importantly, the statement emphasizes the impermissibility of accusing other Muslims of being heretics, an act that is often encouraged and practiced by hate-mongering clerics and Internet “scholars” who train under the “renowned” Shaykh Google.
Other initiatives that could kindle friendships between Muslims of various backgrounds would be to coordinate intra-Muslim service projects similar to interfaith initiatives, such as Interfaith Youth Core. These initiatives could bring together Muslims from various mosques in a community to work together on issues that matter, where they could focus on building relationships and helping others. Building friendships and working together could help Muslims of different backgrounds to humanize their fellow Muslims and to overcome the stereotypes and misinformation they have been given.
Although the situation is incredibly complex, many journalists oversimplify the growing tensions between Sunnis and Shiites as an eternal battle between sworn enemies. Each instance of sectarian clashes we witness around the world is unique and in many cases, religion is not usually the primary motivating factor. What is clear is that now is not the time for Muslims to be fighting one another. It is high time that we become more accepting of those we disagree with and acknowledge that all those who identify themselves as Muslim are already included in the vast and merciful embrace of Islam. Most importantly, we have no right to judge them. I pray for a time when Muslims can grow together as branches on one tree to ensure that the core message of Islam — that of unity, pluralism and compassion — is embodied by Muslims in their dealings with both Muslims and non-Muslims.Even for a non-believing Egyptian, Ramadan in Jerusalem — where the three Abrahamic faiths coincide and sometimes collide — is a fascinating cultural experience.
Chance — or fate, if you prefer — has ordained that my unholy “soul” should find itself surrounded by holiness in both time and space, in the shape of the holy city, Jerusalem, and the holy month, at least for Muslims, Ramadan.
Although I gave up fasting many years ago, I still enjoy observing Ramadan, that is, its cultural and social aspects, from a comfortable secular distance. And I have encountered the multifaceted yet universal spirit of Ramadan, as a child, youth and adult, on three continents, in Muslim, non-Muslim and hybrid lands.
In its basic character, Ramadan in the Palestinian quarters of Jerusalem is similar to how it is in my hometown, Cairo, or elsewhere in the Arab and Muslim world. It is a bizarre ying-yang of contradictions and contrasts: fasting during the day and feasting after dark with family and friends, like a whole month of Christmases. There is also charity and goodwill towards others, which coexists side-by-side with the uncharitable loss of temper among the fasting and furious motorists.
Although Ramadan is about austerity and frugality during the day, at night it is a different matter. After a hard day of fasting, many feel it is their just deserts — or desserts, if you like — to consume prodigious amounts of mouth-watering seasonal delights. But even for the more spiritual and ascetic, conspicuous consumption, albeit of the immaterial variety, is still the order of the day: marathon nocturnal prayer sessions and the constant reading of the Qu’ran.
The religious aspect of Ramadan may be similar in Jerusalem and Cairo, but the secular spirit is quite different. Although Palestinians too hang out the decorative trappings of the season — including the famous fanoos or Ramadan lantern and even give the month that extra bang with sorties of unauthorized fireworks — the night-time revelry of Cairo is missing.
In the Egyptian capital, one of those cities which truly never sleeps, night truly becomes day, where throngs stay out to the wee hours in specially erected Ramadan tents and cafes, both traditional and modern, expensive and cheap, while the true night owls head off to Cairo’s ancient quarters to eat a traditional dish of fuul (fava beans) just before dawn to line their stomachs for the fast ahead.
Ramadan is a much quieter affair here. This is partly because Jerusalem is small, lacking Cairo’s plethora of hangouts, and Palestinians tend not to be as outgoing as Cairenes. But Jerusalemites say that the city used to be much livelier, but the Israeli occupation has throttled the social and cultural life of East Jerusalem, which has shifted to cosmopolitan Ramallah.
That said, Jerusalem possesses a trump card Cairo does not. Although the Egyptian capital possesses some of the most impressive mosques in the world and Islam’s most respected religious authority, al-Azhar, Jerusalem is home to what was once Islam’s holiest site and is now its third holiest, the “Holy Sanctuary” of the sublime Dome of the Rock and the al-Aqsa mosque.
Every Friday during Ramadan, an uncountable torrent of worshippers — disproportionately old and female because of the restrictions Israel often imposes on young Palestinian men — weaves its way through the alleyways of the old city to pray at the place where Muhammad is believed to have visited on his winged stead Buraq during his nocturnal trip to heaven.
Momentarily casting aside my rejection of organized religion and my skepticism of god’s existence, I decided that I could not miss this unique cultural experience and, one Friday, joined the throng. Inside, the outdoor esplanade, which is so huge that it normally looks empty, was packed solid, with many of the fasting faithful stuck in the blazing heat of the direct sun.
The area immediately around the magnificent golden dome, which dominates the Jerusalem skyline, was reserved for women, while men occupied the Aqsa mosque and the area outside it. I was struck by the irony that here I was participating in a ritual that, though impressive to behold, did nothing to shake my skeptical ‘soul’ out of its a-religious spiritual lethargy — in fact, living in the Holy Land has made me even more suspicious of religion — while many true believers are deprived of the opportunity to pray here for want of an Israeli permit.
By one of those sleights of fate, that Sunday, Jews too were fasting to mark Tisha B’Av, which commemorates the destruction of the First and Second Temples, which stood where the Holy Sanctuary (or Temple Mount to Jews) is today, though they were not destroyed by the Muslims.
What could have been an occasion to express interfaith solidarity through fasting, rapidly descended into confrontation and animosity, as Muslim worshippers feared that Jews would “violate” their sacred space, while extremist Jews made some troubling pronouncements, including one Knesset member’s call for the al-Aqsa mosque to be dismantled and moved.
But this sense of distrust and animosity was not always so overwhelming. Older people, such as my 90-year-old neighbor, remember a time when people of different faiths celebrated each other’s festivals in a spirit of good neighborliness.
During the late Ottoman era, a carnival outside the old city’s walls to mark the festival (Eid) at the end of Ramadan was attended by Muslims, Christians and Jews alike, where they enjoyed fairground rides, horse races, Arab sweets and, apparently, even peepshows. Likewise, Muslims and Christians dressed up in Jewish costumes to celebrate the flamboyant Purim.
Centuries before, the Temple Mount/Holy Sanctuary was an interfaith space where Muslims and Jews could worship. In fact, the early caliphs who ruled Jerusalem even appointed Jews as custodians of this holiest of places, which was seen as the spiritual center of the world.
Some of this spirit of interfaith solidarity still lives on in Ramadan, in the form of joint iftars when Jews join Muslims during the breaking of the fast, and I’ve even met a Jewish Sufi who fasted Ramadan in full.
Some time towards the end of Ramadan is Laylat el-Qadr (Night of Destiny), when Muslims believe that the Gates of Heaven are wide open to the prayers of the believer. Though I am not one of those, I do hope and “pray” that one day peace will, as the city’s name suggests, make Jerusalem its abode and the Holy Land will finally find a way out of its unholy mess.
Two days after the governments – Central, Karnataka and Assam too – tried to reassure citizens from the northeast, hordes continue to leave Bangalore, reflecting a dismal failure of confidence. Many students and workers don’t believe they will be absolutely safe, even with assurances of police patrolling and peace committees.
Police in Bangalore have been placed on alert following a massive exodus from India’s technological hub of workers originating from the country’s north-eastern states, sparked by rumours of an imminent attack on their ethnic group.
“Special forces and commandos are being deployed in areas where north-easterners are concentrated,” senior Bangalore police official Vincent D’Souza, said on Saturday.
At least 20,000 natives from the north-east, who have faced discrimination and harassment in the past, have now fled India’s southern cities of Bangalore, Chennai, Hyderabad and Pune.
Five people have already been arrested and the police are hunting for four others believed to have spread the rumours via mobile phone text messages and social networks, the IBN Live news channel reported, quoting Karnataka Chief Minister Jagdish Shettar.
The text messages reportedly warned that people from the north-east living in Bangalore would be attacked in retaliation for the killing of Muslims during ethnic violence between Bodo tribals and Muslim settlers in the northeastern state of Assam in late July.
At least 74 people were killed and more than 400,000 fled to government-run relief camps as a result of the violence.
Violent protests by Muslim groups in Mumbai in August have added to the sense of insecurity of the north-easterners.
Top intelligence officials suspect that the rumours, as well as doctored video clips portraying violence against Muslims in Assam, could be an attempt to spark communal tension.
“I was in Bangalore for nine months. I won’t go back, even if I don’t get work in Assam,” an unnamed youth at the Guwahati railway station told NDTV news channel.
“How many policemen can guard me? I ride my bicycle home around midnight after working at a restaurant. From one junction to another anybody can accost me,” says Thongam.
“Yesterday an autorickshaw driver asked me where I came from and why I still hadn’t gone home… It’s scary. I don’t even know why he said that,” says a student of a women’s college. “We hear of threats to friends and relatives. It’s all so scary.”
Why is this deficit of trust happening in cosmopolitan Bangalore, known for its tolerant traditions? The larger reason can be attributed to a government, so busy with its own internal battles that it has time and again turned a blind eye to vigilante activism in cities like Bangalore and Mangalore. But that’s not the full story.
If rumours about attacks were a result of the conflict in Assam between Bodos and Muslim settlers and the subsequent riot in Mumbai which took two lives, the question is why should these emotions unravel in southern India? Sporadic armed conflicts in the northeast have rarely affected “mainland” India. Are fundamentalists up to a new polarization strategy? This possibility is scarier but all the same it alienates the northeast citizen further. Already battling discrimination because of their ethnic identity, they would well not be caught in a new vortex.
Playwright Swar Thounaojam looks internally to say that although life in Delhi seems tougher for those from the northeast, people have found a way to negotiate with that city. “We need a dialogue between communities here. Firstly, among northeastern communities in Bangalore, and then with other communities.” On the streets they are victims of a stereotype. They need to fight this in Bangalore, as they have done in Delhi by constructing an urban identity that shows them as united in aspirations and fighting causes. It has to be an association of workers, students and professionals.
As it shows in the exodus to Guwahati, it is the students and workers who feel more vulnerable and insecure in such a crisis. In times when daily life itself isn’t a smooth ride, how can they muster confidence?
A picture posted on Umno Youth’s official Facebook page yesterday suggesting a vote for the Pakatan Rakyat (PR) opposition pact will catapult Christianity into Islam’s unquestioned position as Malaysia’s religion shows faith is still being used as a bogey to scare off the crucial Malay-Muslim vote in the run-up to national polls.
The controversial poster had read: “Jika anda setuju untuk jadikan KRISTIAN sebagai agama rasmi persekutuan Malaysia, teruskan sokongan anda kepada Pakatan Rakyat. (If you agree to make CHRISTIANITY the official religion of the federation of Malaysia, continue supporting Pakatan Rakyat.) ‘God bless you my son’.”
The picture, posted yesterday afternoon, provoked an uproar on the popular social network with some cyber citizens supporting the statement and others condemning the Umno youth wing for attempting to fan emotions and religious sentiments between Christians and Muslims on the eve of Aidilfitri, one of the biggest holidays in multicultural Malaysia’s calendar.
“Bodo punya pemuda umno, dah terang2 dlm perlembagaan Islam agama rasmi….DAP pun sokong perlembagaan, sj je nak nak tunjuk bodo! Tp DAP sependapat dgn umno ttg hudud, tu je… (Stupid Umno Youth, it’s clear in the Constitution Islam is the official religion…DAP also supports the Constitution, they are only showing their stupidity! But DAP shares Umno’s view about hudud, that’s all…)” said a social networker identified only as Mohd Ghazali in the Umno Youth Facebook page.
“Org islam/melayu pun x sokong dgn gambar nie…so, someone go report this admin to police station…this is serious matter…boleh masuk ISA nie kalo ISA masih wujud,” said another netizen who called herself Ellvin Jesele.A Facebooker identified only as Firdaus Adnan had posted a derogatory comment on the DAP, one of the three opposition parties that make up PR, accusing its chairman, Karpal Singh, of repeatedly insulting Islam but without providing proof to back up his claim.
“Babi punya DAP jgn nk kait dap k.karpal sigh hram jdah byk kali hina islm. org islm bleh wt apa? dap komunis mlaysia. (DAP’s Karpal Singh has repeatedly insulted Islam. What can Muslims do? DAP is Malaysian communist.),” the social networker said in the Umno Youth Facebook page.
He was not alone as another Facebook user, Agazaman Awang, also appeared to back Umno’s implied warning to Muslim Malaysians not to support PR.
“Orang yang kata pisahkan politik dari agama aadlah tak berpijak di bumi yang nyata. sedangkan apa yang kita perjuangkan seperti agama bangsa dan negara matlamat politik kita. bagaiamana kamu hendak pisakan islam dari politik melainkan kamu ada agenda lain dalam politik unutk kepentingan peribadi. (People who say that politics should be separated from religion are not being realistic. When what we are fighting for, like religion race and country, is our political goals. So how can you separate Islam from politics unless you have a different political agenda for personal interests.)
The DAP has been repeatedly portrayed as anti-Islam due to its opposition to the enforcement of Islamic penal laws by the mainstream media controlled by the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition and its mainstay, Umno.
The latest controversy comes in the wake of a heated debate over the establishment of an Islamic theocracy in Malaysia, to enforce Islamic penal laws known as hudud to what is seen as a bid to win over the crucial Malay Muslim vote at the 13th general elections that must be called by next April.readmorehttp://muslimjournalmalaysia.blogspot.com
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