Why did Najib act in so improper and ill-advised a manner as his statement, though made outside the country, would be seen as an undisguised arm-twisting of the judiciary, when public confidence in the judiciary is already at such a low ebb?
Rahul’s magic floors UP for Congress najib own doing will make the umno bn do disappearfromthe face of malaysian politic
For hundreds of thousands of people in this largely rural swathe of north India, Rahul Gandhi is their prince.
Huge crowds wait for hours under a scorching sun to watch his motorcade and maybe catch a glimpse as he makes his way to file his nomination papers for the national election.
As his SUV slows to a crawl, mobs of supporters shower it with rose petals and try to peer through the tinted windows.
When he opens the door and steps onto the running board to wave, a roar rises across this dusty town, in an area where his family has long had its political base: “What should the leader of this country be like?” shouts one group. “Like Rahul Gandhi!” another group shouts back.
The boyish-looking 38-year-old, running for re-election to parliament, is the latest political incarnation of a dynasty that stretches back well over 60 years: his father, Rajiv Gandhi, was prime minister. So was his grandmother, Indira Gandhi. His mother, Sonia Gandhi, leads the Congress party, which heads the ruling coalition. His great-grandfather, Jawaharlal Nehru, was India’s first prime minister and the faithful lieutenant of independence leader Mahatma Gandhi (no relation).
It all adds up to a family that has run India for 37 of its 62 years of independence.
Now, as a monthlong national election unfolds, Rahul Gandhi has become a force in Indian politics and the buzz around him as the eventual candidate for the country’s top post has turned into a roar.
With just five years of political experience, he is not an obvious political star: He’s an awkward public speaker who has said little of substance about many key policy issues. He won a seat in Parliament by a landslide in 2004, only to flunk another test three years later, when the election campaign he headed in India’s largest state, Uttar Pradesh, failed to win any gains for his party.
But he has the right last name — and in a country in thrall to celebrity and the ideals of family, he has become the party’s star campaigner, drawing huge crowds to a dizzying number of electioneering stops. On giant Congress party billboards, it’s Rahul — so well known that he’s commonly referred to by just his first name — who shares space with his mother and the prime minister.
It makes for good campaigning, but it highlights the dynastic quality of Indian politics, Congress’ opponents complain.
“This is a party where the top slot is reserved for a single family,” said Nalin Kohli, a spokesman for the main opposition, the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party.
It’s a charge that Gandhi can’t ignore — and even he says it’s time for family dynasties to fade into political history. To that end, he’s encouraging young people who are not from powerful families to work for the Congress party.
“Just because I’m the outcome of a system doesn’t mean I cannot change the system,” he told a rare news conference.
But in the 2009 election, the big question is whether this Gandhi’s celebrity will translate into more votes.
He faces a global economic slowdown, which has shifted the focus from Congress’ main achievement, India’s rapid growth in the last few years. And the government has been criticized for its bungled handling of the Mumbai terror attack in November in which 166 people died.
Gandhi himself has remained vague about his future plans — never rejecting the idea outright of being prime minister but accusing the media of prematurely projecting him into the job.
To supporters who want him to play a more prominent role, he urges patience, saying leadership must be developed gradually.
A graduate of Rollins College in Florida and Cambridge University in England, he often looks uncomfortable when surrounded by crowds of poor villagers, but tells a crowd on a recent campaign stop: “I entered politics to help the poor. Irrespective of caste, religion and region, I will always work to empower the poor who are the real strength of the nation.”
His critics sniff at such talk. “The unfortunate fact is that we know remarkably little about him. He has said very little of consequence,” said political commentator Mahesh Rangarajan.
“It’s also important to remember that he’s the first person in this family in politics who has grown up in a security cocoon,” Rangarajan added.
That cocoon is the result of the tragedies that have beset the Gandhis.
Rahul was only 14 when his grandmother, Indira Gandhi, was shot to death in 1984 by her own bodyguards. His father, Rajiv Gandhi, was blown up by a Tamil suicide bomber in 1991.
The family stayed away from politics until 1998, when Rajiv Gandhi’s Italian-born widow, Sonia, reluctantly accepted the leadership of the Congress party. She was elected to parliament a year later.
Now her son and fellow lawmaker has to figure out where he goes next.
“The party would like him to be quick about it. The party would like him to, you know, wave the magic wand and get them votes, which has become the character of the Congress. People have got so used to the Nehru-Gandhi family getting them votes,” said political commentator Neerja Chowdhury.
“Rahul Gandhi is taking his time in discovering India, trying to work out his own role.”
Rahul’s magic floors for Congress win, najib own doing will make the umno bn do disappear fromthe face of malaysian politic
| Party | Wins | Leads |
| INC | 198 | 7 |
| BJP | 113 | 3 |
| Others | 23 | 3 |
| SP | 22 | 1 |
| TMC | 19 | 0 |
| DMK | 18 | 0 |
| CPI(M) | 17 | 0 |
| BSP | 16 | 5 |
| JD(U) | 14 | 6 |
| SS | 10 | 1 |
| AIADMK | 9 | 0 |
| NCP | 9 | 0 |
| Independent(s) | 9 | 0 |
| BJD | 7 | 7 |
| TDP | 6 | 0 |
For hundreds of thousands of people in this largely rural swathe of north India, Rahul Gandhi is their prince.
Huge crowds wait for hours under a scorching sun to watch his motorcade and maybe catch a glimpse as he makes his way to file his nomination papers for the national election.
As his SUV slows to a crawl, mobs of supporters shower it with rose petals and try to peer through the tinted windows.
When he opens the door and steps onto the running board to wave, a roar rises across this dusty town, in an area where his family has long had its political base: “What should the leader of this country be like?” shouts one group. “Like Rahul Gandhi!” another group shouts back.
The boyish-looking 38-year-old, running for re-election to parliament, is the latest political incarnation of a dynasty that stretches back well over 60 years: his father, Rajiv Gandhi, was prime minister. So was his grandmother, Indira Gandhi. His mother, Sonia Gandhi, leads the Congress party, which heads the ruling coalition. His great-grandfather, Jawaharlal Nehru, was India’s first prime minister and the faithful lieutenant of independence leader Mahatma Gandhi (no relation).
It all adds up to a family that has run India for 37 of its 62 years of independence.
Now, as a monthlong national election unfolds, Rahul Gandhi has become a force in Indian politics and the buzz around him as the eventual candidate for the country’s top post has turned into a roar.
With just five years of political experience, he is not an obvious political star: He’s an awkward public speaker who has said little of substance about many key policy issues. He won a seat in Parliament by a landslide in 2004, only to flunk another test three years later, when the election campaign he headed in India’s largest state, Uttar Pradesh, failed to win any gains for his party.
But he has the right last name — and in a country in thrall to celebrity and the ideals of family, he has become the party’s star campaigner, drawing huge crowds to a dizzying number of electioneering stops. On giant Congress party billboards, it’s Rahul — so well known that he’s commonly referred to by just his first name — who shares space with his mother and the prime minister.
It makes for good campaigning, but it highlights the dynastic quality of Indian politics, Congress’ opponents complain.
“This is a party where the top slot is reserved for a single family,” said Nalin Kohli, a spokesman for the main opposition, the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party.
It’s a charge that Gandhi can’t ignore — and even he says it’s time for family dynasties to fade into political history. To that end, he’s encouraging young people who are not from powerful families to work for the Congress party.
“Just because I’m the outcome of a system doesn’t mean I cannot change the system,” he told a rare news conference.
But in the 2009 election, the big question is whether this Gandhi’s celebrity will translate into more votes.
He faces a global economic slowdown, which has shifted the focus from Congress’ main achievement, India’s rapid growth in the last few years. And the government has been criticized for its bungled handling of the Mumbai terror attack in November in which 166 people died.
Gandhi himself has remained vague about his future plans — never rejecting the idea outright of being prime minister but accusing the media of prematurely projecting him into the job.
To supporters who want him to play a more prominent role, he urges patience, saying leadership must be developed gradually.
A graduate of Rollins College in Florida and Cambridge University in England, he often looks uncomfortable when surrounded by crowds of poor villagers, but tells a crowd on a recent campaign stop: “I entered politics to help the poor. Irrespective of caste, religion and region, I will always work to empower the poor who are the real strength of the nation.”
His critics sniff at such talk. “The unfortunate fact is that we know remarkably little about him. He has said very little of consequence,” said political commentator Mahesh Rangarajan.
“It’s also important to remember that he’s the first person in this family in politics who has grown up in a security cocoon,” Rangarajan added.
That cocoon is the result of the tragedies that have beset the Gandhis.
Rahul was only 14 when his grandmother, Indira Gandhi, was shot to death in 1984 by her own bodyguards. His father, Rajiv Gandhi, was blown up by a Tamil suicide bomber in 1991.
The family stayed away from politics until 1998, when Rajiv Gandhi’s Italian-born widow, Sonia, reluctantly accepted the leadership of the Congress party. She was elected to parliament a year later.
Now her son and fellow lawmaker has to figure out where he goes next.
“The party would like him to be quick about it. The party would like him to, you know, wave the magic wand and get them votes, which has become the character of the Congress. People have got so used to the Nehru-Gandhi family getting them votes,” said political commentator Neerja Chowdhury.
“Rahul Gandhi is taking his time in discovering India, trying to work out his own role.
It is most improper and irresponsible for the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak to try to influence the Court of Appeal hearing on Thursday on the Nizar-Zambry case, undermining judicial independence and integrity.
This is the first time in my memory in the past 43 years that a Prime Minister had made a public pronouncement on a matter which is the very subject of litigation before an appellate court, as if the Executive is sending out a clear, unmistakable and even threatening message to the Judiciary of the executive interests in a case pending before the Appellate court.
And if such impropriety had not happened in the past 43 years, it would not have happened in the first nine years of the nation’s independence, as Bapa Malaysia and the first Prime Minister, Tengku Abdul Rahman would have been very careful and meticulous in ensuring that there could not be any speck of suspicion that the Executive was interfering with the judiciary.
Hasn’t Najib heard the doctrine of the separation of powers among the executive, legislature and judiciary and the principle of the independence of the judiciary and the need for the Executive not only to respect, but also to be seen to respect, the integrity of the judiciary?
None of the previous five Prime Ministers had gone so far as to openly dictate to the judiciary how to it should adjudicate cases involving the Executive – despite the judicial darkness of the past two decades.
Why is Najib prepared to commit such a flagrant and blatant act of Executive disrespect and contempt for the Judiciary in such public and international manner?
In his statement yesterday to reporters at the Coral Triangle Initiative Summit in Manado, Indonesia, Najib defended the power grab in Perak in early February, declaring that the Sultan of Perak had acted lawfully in appointing Datuk Zambry Abdul Kadir as the Perak Mentri Besar.
How could Najib as Prime Minister acted so improperly and irresponsibly when he should know that this is precisely the constitutional issue which is before the Court of Appeal on Thursday, as Kuala Lumpur High Court Justice Datuk Abdul Aziz Abdul Rahim had handed down a landmark constitutional judgment that the Sultan of Perak has the prerogative to appoint the Mentri Besar and but no constitutional power to dismiss the Mentri Besar?
The Kuala Lumpur High Court declared that Datuk Seri Mohamad Nizar Jamaluddin is the lawful and legal Perak Mentri Besar as he could only be removed by a no confidence motion in the Perak State Assembly, which was never done.
Why did Najib act in so improper and ill-advised a manner as his statement, though made outside the country, would be seen as, when public confidence in the judiciary is already at such a low ebb?
Najib seems to be very desperate in having to act in such a manner, which is clearly improper, ill-advised and downright wrong.
Are the Court of Appeal judges who are going to hear Zambry’s appeal against the Abdul Aziz judgment in favour of Nizar prepared to publicly declare that they would not be influenced even one iota by Najib’s Manado statement – not only just professing it but to judge without any regard to the Prime Minister’s wishes and intentions
”
No comments:
Post a Comment