“There comes a time when you have to stop crossing oceans for people who wouldn’t even jump puddles for you”. So many of us are constantly complaining about how much we do for others and that not only does it tire out, but that the non recognition of it or ingratitude of the receiver causes dejection, frustration, helplessness and anger within us. And in so many cases, there is no reciprocity. So my question is, why do you still continue to give? Is it to prove that you’re “such a good person”? Or perhaps because you feel it’s your “duty”? Or is it simply because you care? Let’s be clear on a few things. “Good people” give for the joy of giving because it makes them feel good about giving, and hence joy is their reward. “Good people” are also good to themselves, which means that if there is anything about the giving that causes pain to themselves, they value themselves enough to say, “I choose to give but not at the cost of feeling burdened or unhappy”, because that’s not giving, that’s an expectation or job or role that I’m now resenting. Most importantly, when it comes to reciprocity, you have to recognise the importance of it. In metaphysics we have a concept called “energy exchange”. When you give money you get a product or service, similarly in energy exchange we must give back to those that give to us and vice versa. If you are moving mountains for those that selfishly neither fully appreciate nor help make your life easier, perhaps you need to question your pattern and change it. It’s senseless and stupid to pour all your energy into a black hole.
Reconciled to a near-inevitable break-up with DAP and PKR
Tony Pua has become more and more vocal, especially during the Selangor menteri besar fiasco. This is not necessarily a good thing, especially if he keeps attacking the president of PAS with stupid and childish labels. Most recently, he labelled the PAS president as “nyanyuk” – the move was not only childish but also sparked anger among PAS supporters. Nothing good can come from his Facebook post, a very weird move to strengthen Pakatan Rakyat (PR).
Faced with criticisms over its muscle-flexing, PAS’s clergy class, which comprises its Ulama wing and the decision-making Syura Council, had insisted that their scholars are far from being “maksum”, or infallible.
Despite that, members of the Ulama wing repeatedly reminded delegates during the muktamar that it sits one rung above the other wings, while the elite council inevitably has the final say as the appointed gatekeeper to the Islamic holy texts that PAS relies on as its supreme law.
Questions over party president Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang’s unilateral decision in the Selangor mentri besar debacle was repeatedly steam-rolled by referring to Islamic history, specifically Prophet Muhammad’s decision during the formation of the Hudaibiyah Treaty in the sixth century despite opposition from his companions.
In order to stymie questions over Abdul Hadi’s political acumen, the clergy class pointed instead to the president’s recent appointment as vice-president of the International Union of Muslim Scholars. Over and over again.
The dynamics in the PAS 55th Muktamar illustrate significant ongoing changes for PAS as a party. One year after the March 2008 polls, PAS is working to shed its parochialism and portray itself as a national contender.
The political ambition is raw, and it is driving transformations in the party. Despite this yearning for power, there are real obstacles for PAS to become a party that can appeal to Malaysians nationally and these come from within the Islamic party itself.
Many PAS leaders recognise the hurdles, and have been quietly and not so quietly pushing for reforms within the party. Change within PAS, however, will not occur quickly and the internal struggles over the future of the party will be painful and even potentially divisive now that the political stakes are higher.
Based on the election results and floor debate at last week’s muktamar, reforming PAS internally has become even more difficult.If there was one message that stood out in the muktamar, particularly in the opening speech by party president Abdul Hadi Awang, it was that PAS wants national power. This ambition is an unfulfilled desire that has shaped the party since its founding 55 years ago.
More recently, PAS leaders saw their national target in sight after 1999, when PAS took over Terengganu and Kelantan, and emerged as the largest opposition party in Parliament. They feel closer to their target now more than ever.
This closeness was reflected in the imagery of Abdul Hadi’s speech where he linked PAS with the struggle for national independence – reframing national history – and in his lengthy discussion of national problems, both social and economic, that he felt the party would solve. He even articulated principles of a PAS foreign policy beyond the stalwart issue of Palestine.
For the first time, Abdul Hadi’s muktamar speech was directed toward a national audience, not the delegates themselves. With the use of English (although not a full translation and not timed properly in keeping with the pace of Abdul Hadi’s speech) and reaching out to other ethnic communities in Malaysia, Abdul Hadi worked to make a case for PAS at the national helm.
The push for support in Sabah and Sarawak – a rather unrealistic goal – was illustrative. The ambition was made particularly obvious at the end of the opening ceremony when PAS announced its acquisition of land in Putrajaya – Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s national capital. Symbolically and territorially, PAS staked its national claim.
The question is – is this claim realistic? Is PAS capable of making the changes internally that will broaden its appeal nationally?
After Abdul Hadi’s speech finished and the party delegate debate began, the discussion on the floor suggested a mixed picture. The sunny opening was overshadowed by clouds that raise questions about what PAS stands for and how it would govern.
Moves to be a more inclusive party
PAS has come a long way in a relatively short time in how it engages and with whom it engages. The most touted programme PAS highlights is its non-Muslim supporters club. Although substantively this organisation is minimal (with less than 50 members), it represents a genuine desire within the party to reach out.
Watching the personal interaction of members of the ‘supporters’ club and the delegates representing national divisions at the muktamar, the interaction was warm. It stands in contrast to the pattern practiced by UMNO, which continues a form of ethnic segregation.
The level of engagement with the Pakatan partners has also forged stronger multi-ethnic ties. The party delegates and leadership understand how important these are, since they cannot govern without non-Malay support. In fact, this was one of the main tenants of Mohamad Sabu’s platform for the deputy presidency. Multi-ethnic cooperation and engagement has been accepted by the overwhelming majority of the delegates despite the charismatic leader’s loss.
Yet, real understanding and mutual respect across races remains elusive, especially among the rank and file. Many PAS delegates believe than non-Malays will convert, and do not appreciate the right to practice an alternative religion. There is a disconnect between being an Islamic party and full acceptance of a non-Muslim alternative.
Consider the narrow minded call by a delegate from Pahang for the women in the media to wear the tudung. It showed a lack of respect for choice for Muslims and non-Muslims alike. While other PAS delegates and leaders called for openness, the struggle for multi-ethnic understanding is ongoing (notably not only within PAS).
Whether the glass is half full or half empty (and whether the obstacle of accepting an alternative religion) is a matter of perspective, one cannot ignore that the charge toward multi-ethnic inclusion has occurred structurally and substantively within PAS with little debate. This is a far cry from developments in the party only a few years ago.
PAS now is also openly engaging outsiders internationally. This practice has been around for some time. Yet, what differentiates the pattern now is that many international actors are coming to PAS. Members joke that Kota Bharu has become the shadow capital (and that was perhaps before the muktamar results which moved the party capital to Kuala Terengganu).
The presence of senior leaders from Hamas and Indonesian Muslim parties at the meeting only touch the surface of its level of international engagement. However, PAS will need broader engagement than just Muslim parties abroad to have any legitimacy
No comments:
Post a Comment