Can I Please Have My Husband Back? can Smell it is Him,but I not with Him
The ‘Datuk’ who was arrested by the police recently is not an employee of the National Feedlot Corporation.NFC executive chairman Datuk Seri Dr Mohamad Salleh Ismail clarified that the suspect was not related to him or any member of his family.“The Datuk also was not and never was an employee of the corporation,” he said yesterday.
Stupid MACC. As long as it involves umno leaders it is definitely not a raid. You visited NFC and they gave you the documents with nothing printed on them. Computer CPU without soft and hard disk whereby MACC will insert theirs. Chief and deputy have tea together with NFC and discuss how to cover up the whole mess.
For opposition leader, anything reported in the blog, he/she will be called-up and house/office raided immediately even before the news are printed in the newspapers. Perhaps umno have given MACC the script on how to perform the best and convincing show for the rakyat. MACC is the pet dog of UMNO
For opposition leader, anything reported in the blog, he/she will be called-up and house/office raided immediately even before the news are printed in the newspapers. Perhaps umno have given MACC the script on how to perform the best and convincing show for the rakyat. MACC is the pet dog of UMNO
"It’s my husband who's corrupt, I'm just the innocent obedient wife, really!" – That was Petaling Jaya Utara member of parliament Tony Pua’s interpretation of Women, Family and Community minister Shahrizat Jalil's latest attempt to absolve herself from the fiasco engulfing National Feedlot Corporation, the project awarded to her husband.
The UMNO Wanita chief's latest statement followed yet another damaging revelation that her family used NFC’s money to purchase a RM10 million luxury condominium unit in Singapore.
“I’ve said it before… legally and professionally, I am not involved in the NFC. I am just the wife of the NFC chairman. Don’t all women and families have husband?” she replied.
The embatled politician added that “as a responsible leader and veteran in politics who loves Barisan Nasional”, she would know what to do next.
“I will discuss it with (prime minister) Najib Razak,” said the former Lembah Pantai MP.
But whether or not she would quit, is something about which even Najib is clueless.
“I have not received it,” said Najib when asked whether Shahrizat had handed her resignation letter, but hinted that something could be brewing when he said that he would respond “when the time comes.”
Following the latest exposure two days ago, PKR had again urged Najib to act on the NFC scandal.
PKR secretary general Saifuddin Nasution meanwhile repeated calls on the Malaysian Anti Corruption Commission to investigate whether Shahrizat was present when the cabinet approvedthe allocation of RM250 million for the cattle breeding project, much of which had been now exposed to have been spent on puchase of luxury properties, a Mercedes Benz and holiday packages.
“We don’t want MACC to give any more excuse. In our latest compilation of evidences, we are confident that MACC can find element of corruption,” he stressed.
The National Feedlot Corporation (NFC) scandal has proven to be a hit among rural voters, according to PKR leaders who plan to use the issue as campaign fodder for the general elections.
The Malaysian Insiderunderstands that Pakatan Rakyat, especially PKR have been going on a pre-polls campaign blitz using the graft allegations surrounding embattled Cabinet minister Datuk Seri Shahrizat Abdul Jalil and her family to maximise voter support.
“In a way we are actually lucky. The NFC issue couldn’t have come at a better time. Before this we were always trying to give examples of what we claim to be corruption by Umno-Barisan Nasional.
“But with this issue, we have a golden opportunity to reach out to a host of voters... for us, Shahrizat’s case is the best example of what is wrong with Umno and its leaders... corruption, cronyism, money politics,” Rafizi (picture) Ramli told The Malaysian Insider.
The PKR strategic director said that recent “test runs” by party leaders during ceramahs showed an increasing demand for the NFC scandal to be highlighted, especially among rural voters.
“In Kemaman, for instance where there’s a ceramah, sometimes I don’t bring up the NFC issue but then they get upset. The kampung folk, rural folk want to talk to about it. They are upset about it,” he said.
“It’s something they can relate to...you talk about submarine scandals it’s a bit confusing, but with the NFC it’s about lembu (cows)- how much do you need to menternak lembu (take care of cows) and how do you make money out of it.
“Whenever we mention the figures, people are outraged,” added Rafizi.
He said PKR has also taken steps to ensure the entire chronology of the scandal could be “appreciated” and understood by all via pamphlets and posters.
PKR first latched onto the issue after the RM250 million federally-funded cattle project made it into the pages of the Auditor-General’s report for 2010, which described the NFC as “a mess”.
Since then, the party has made several revelations related to the scandal, including the NFC’s purchase of twin multi-million luxury condominium units in Bangsar, the alleged use of project funds to finance Shahrizat and her family’s personal expenses and trips abroad.
It also alleged there was a transfer of resources to unrelated companies in Singapore, as well as the purchase a Mercedes-Benz CLS350 for RM534,622 and two plots of land in Putrajaya’s Precinct 10 for RM3,363,507.
The latest disclosure by PKR, made on Tuesday, alleged that some RM10 million was diverted towards the purchase of luxury condominium unit in Singapore for Shahrizat’s family.
Shahrizat has sought to deflect away attention by stating she was “only the wife” of the national cattle farming project’s chairman and had nothing to do with the NFC.
The Wanita Umno chief has faced calls to quit as minister from within her own party, including from influential former prime minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, after repeated attacks from the opposition over the project awarded to her husband and three children, who are directors in the NFC.
In the latest development of the on-going scandal, police arrested a man on Thursday who allegedly tried to bribe senior officers investigating a high-profile commercial crime, which anti-graft officials say is linked to the NFC scandal.
The police obtained a remand order from the magistrate court for the 45-year-old man.
The Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) said the man is now in their custody as part of their investigations into the case. MACC officials also raided the NFC office on Friday, carting away a desktop computer central processing unit (CPU) and four envelopes of documents.
It is understood that the suspect heads a consultancy firm and runs a taxi company.
CCID chief Datuk Syed Ismail Syed Azizan refused to confirm or deny if the suspect in question was involved in the controversial cattle raising scheme.
He also refused to comment on whether the man was related to NFC chairman Datuk Seri Mohamed Salleh Ismail, husband Shahrizat.
Last night, NFC issued a statement denying the man is related to the family or has ever worked with the company. The company had earlier disputed that there was a raid at its office, saying its officials cooperated with the MACC during a visit there on Friday.
Anna Hazare has threatened a fast and “fill jails” movement to persuade Parliament to place the Central Bureau of Investigation under the new anti-corruption Lokpal. He says a Lokpal without an investigative wing is toothless. The government replies that the anti-corruption branch of the CBI can be supervised by the Lokpal in cases referred to that body, but that’s all.
This debate misses the main reason why the Lokpal is likely to flop. Even if the Lokpal controls the CBI, it will have no control over the courts. These seem incapable of convicting any resourceful person beyond appeals within his or her lifetime. Little will be achieved if the Lokpal initiates a thousand cases that then drag on for decades, with the accused out on bail.
Example: the murder case of LN Mishra, former chief minister of Bihar and right-hand man of Indira Gandhi, is dragging on 37 years after his killing in 1975. The 27-year-old man accused of murder is now an ailing 64. Of the 39 witnesses he cited to prove his innocence, 31 have died, gravely prejudicing the case against him. No less than 22 different judges have handled the trial over the years. The case is being tried on a day-by-day basis, the fastest possible. If this happens in a VIP’s case, what hope of justice do lesser mortals have?
The corruption case against Sukh Ram, former telecom minister, has gone on for 16 years. The High Court has just pronounced him guilty, but he can appeal to the Supreme Court. He is now 85 years old and ailing, and may not live to hear the Supreme Court’s verdict.
These are just two of a myriad of examples. The problem is not limited to criminal cases—civil cases are even more problematic. The IFC and World Bank produce an annual Doing Business report on how difficult it is to do business in different countries. In the category “enforcement of contract” , India ranks 182out of 183 countries! It is the second worst in the world. India is sometimes called a miracle economy , but the real miracle is how a country with such a pathetic judicial system grows fast at all.
The problem is compounded by a police force that is not only highly corrupt and willing to do the dirty work of political masters but is also lacking in forensic and investigative skills. It depends mainly on third degree measures to solve cases. An outrageous 1,500 persons died in police custody last year, and only the naïve will believe that these were mostly natural deaths.
Research by three academics (Kumar, Krishnaswamy and Narayana) at Azim Premji University, on 16 years’ performance of the Lokayukta in Karnataka, claims that lack of Lokayukta control over the police is not a binding constraint. In these 16 years, Karnataka’s Lokayukta carried out only 357 suo motu raids but responded to over 2,159 complaints against 2,681 officials. So, the legal power to initiate action was not the key determinant of the Lokayukta’s anti-corruption crusade. The lion’s share of Karnataka cases was against lower officials. This suggests that the Lokpal might be overwhelmed with petty cases if given jurisdiction over the lower bureaucracy.
Further, 95% of the investigated cases in Karnataka received sanction for prosecution. The researchers cite this as evidence that there is little political resistance to anti-corruption crusading. However, only 10% of the cases were against senior officials, and only 0.8% against elite corps like the IAS, IPS, IFS and KAS. So the evidence suggests nothing more than that anti-corruption action is feasible against petty officials. It does not diminish Anna Hazare’s case for strong powers to overcome political resistance to tackling Big Corruption.
The huge problem uncovered by the researchers is that the cases under trial are, on an average, more than five years old. Only 16 cases overall have resulted in convictions, a conviction rate of 20% of completed cases and a small fraction of pending cases. This is much lower than the rate of convictions in criminal prosecutions in anti-corruption cases in India in recent years, which is between 34 and 40%. Despite having an activist Lokayukta, corruption has not been stemmed in Karnataka. To put it bluntly , India is a land without justice. So, Hazare’s belief that a powerful Lokpal with investigative powers will stem corruption is dead wrong. Unless we have root-and-branch judicial reform to speed up processes and verdicts, the new Lokpal will simply increase the already formidable backlog of incomplete cases in the courts. Unless there is justice for all cases, we will not get justice in corruption cases.
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