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It is unbelievable that Mahatir the cheed and audacity to shed crocadile tears about UMNO !!
What the UMNO stand for today is due to Mahatir genius creation ! Mahatir 'brilliance' and 'success' is so thorough and so staggering that even a well knowned, highly exposed corrupt politician and high murder suspect has been overwhelmingly selected and without even the slightest whisper of disapproval, to hold the highest and the most prestigious office of the land.
It is obvious to everyone now, Lee Kuan Yew took
Mahatir took
Now, the Mahatir is plotting to come back, all Malaysians who care about this country must do their utmost to reject him totally. If Mahatir is allowed to have his way again , soon
In hindsight, however, this relief was accompanied by a hope against hope that the system would reform itself, and that the damage done to the country's institutions could somehow be reversed ... if only the top man wished for it.
Such optimism on the part of the Malaysian public hid a conformist attitude born of sustained authoritarian rule, a social laziness and an unwillingness to take personal responsibility for the sorry state of governance in the country.
It was easier to hope than to act.
However, the system under Abdullah did not reform itself in any remarkable way. He did make a few positive gestures in the beginning, but the path to serious reform required insight, vision and will. He did not have enough of these qualities, and whatever improvement came under his watch was overshadowed by continued deterioration in most areas.
What made it impossible for the system to reform itself was the fact that the key institutions badly damaged during the Mahathir years were not only the judiciary, the police, the civil service and the universities. Worst of all, Umno itself — the dominant party — was perhaps the most damaged of them all.
And so, when street demonstrators were water-cannoned last year, and activists put away without trial, many gave up hope in the system's ability to reform itself. It was then the Malaysian voter stopped being lazy, it was then he stopped being conformist and it was then he began to take responsibility and vote, not for reform as such, but against those who had failed to carry out reforms.
And so, Barisan Nasional secured record-low support in the 2008 elections.
The trend towards reform is now more obvious, even to Umno hardliners. But there is little to suggest that sufficient change is forthcoming.
No nominee for the top posts in the coming party elections can be taken seriously as a possible agent of change. "Change" is the magic word at the moment. But what change is required?
MAINTAINING A BALANCE
One way of understanding the situation is to remind ourselves that politics is always local, and that it is always personal in essence. The federal government's right to rule relies on the balance it can keep between local and federal interests.
When federal interests become paramount and local interests are ignored; or when federal interests become blatantly partisan and the interests of some particular locality or community are manifestly favoured above others; or when federal interests have been hijacked by the personal interests of those in power — it is when one of these is the case that federal politics returns to being local. The right of the central to represent the local is taken back by the voter.
Once the legitimacy of the central to represent the local is gone, it is not easily regained. Once the trust in Umno and its allies is gone, politics descends to its foundations, and central power must be rebuilt in stages, from the bottom up. There is no shortcut, although the temptation to find one will be strong among those who fear the loss of power.
A pattern is emerging in
A federation is an acknowledgement of the great divisions that exist within it. These divisions tend to geographical, and it is a healthy sign that political preferences in
With the central power losing legitimacy, the sociopolitical dynamics below that are now badly reflected at the top move to change the structure above it. It is to be expected that the top will try to suppress these forces seeking to change it. But the top will do that only if it thinks it can succeed. If it realises that it cannot possibly reverse the trend, it will change along with it in order to survive, hoping that in adjusting and surviving, it can at least retain some influence.
Seen this way, what is happening in
The challenge facing those who wish for power at the federal level is to win legitimacy by finding ways to represent local interests of as many states and areas as possible, to find the right extent to which they should unite these interests and to which level they should not, and convincing all involved that the total they create is larger than the sum of all the parts.
I don't think you should blame AAB. After all he was faced with a bunch of supporters anxious to get rid of TDM, but still unwilling to part with absolute power. However his relative tolerance of free speech (especially on the Internet) has pushed the margin farther along the road of balance of power.
It seems that there is also a strong force that supports a balance of power and opposes absolute power. I think that the solution is to continue to show that a balance of power is nothing to be feared and will ultimately be healthy for
Stop the quarrels on race issues please. Concentrate on good governance and accountability. Take page from obama
Two main quarries are supplying the building blocks for President-elect Barack Obama's new administration.
Longtime, deeply loyal associates will dominate the White House inner sanctum. And veterans of Bill Clinton's presidency will hold vital jobs throughout the government, although a bit farther from the Oval Office.
The structure suggests Obama is confident enough to hand top posts to former rivals whose loyalty is not guaranteed, a strategy many presidents have avoided. But most of those on Obama's team who will have his ear everyday will be old friends and experienced advisers who are seen as having no ambitions beyond his success.
Mr. Obama raised eyebrows this month when he tapped some of Mr. Clinton's closest allies for important jobs.
John Podesta, Clinton's former White House chief of staff, is heading the transition effort. Illinois Rep. Rahm Emanuel, a former top Clinton adviser, is Mr. Obama's chief of staff. Former Clinton appointees Eric Holder and Janet Napolitano appear in line for Cabinet posts.
Even more startling to many, Mr. Obama has signaled plans to name former first lady Hillary Rodham Clinton as secretary of state.
Some Obama supporters have praised him for reaching out to his toughest primary opponent. But others question why they worked so hard to defeat Ms. Clinton only to see her, and many close to her, grab prizes in the new administration. They note that Mr. Obama repeatedly campaigned against "the politics of the past" and Washington "dramas," thinly veiled jabs at the Clinton presidency as well as President George W. Bush's tenure.
Stephen Hess, a George Washington University authority on presidential transitions, said Mr. Obama is playing it smart.
"It's easy to make a leap that this is going to be a repeat of the Clinton administration and there's no way that's going to happen," said Mr. Hess, who first worked for the Eisenhower administration.
Mr. Obama needs a core of Democrats with federal-government experience, Mr. Hess said, and veterans of Bill Clinton's administration are virtually the only source. "The old-timers are exceedingly valuable to him now," he said, but Mr. Obama "also has his own group of advisers and he will merge the two groups."
That merger began taking shape last week. Mr. Obama's three "senior advisers," who will have desks near the Oval Office, are some of his closest and longest-serving allies:
- David Axelrod, his Chicago-based media strategist, will focus on message and communications.
- Valerie Jarrett, a Chicago businesswoman and close family friend, probably will concentrate on intergovernmental relations and community outreach.
- Pete Rouse, who was Mr. Obama's Senate chief of staff, is expected to work closely with Emanuel on White House operations and congressional affairs.
Robert Gibbs, Mr. Obama's spokesman since his 2004 Senate race, was named on Saturday as White House press secretary. Ellen Moran, the executive director of the Washington group EMILY's List, will be director of communications, and her deputy will be Dan Pfeiffer, communications director for Mr. Obama's presidential transition team.
Another possible top pick, retired Marine Corps Gen. James Jones as national security adviser, could give Mr. Obama a valuable hand in dealing with Hillary Clinton, a powerful figure who might not completely subordinate her political ambitions to those of the new president. Mr. Obama feels close to Mr. Jones, aides say, and he might form an important part of the innermost circle even though the two men have not known each other as long as Mr. Obama has known Messrs. Jarrett and Axelrod.
The task of coordinating all these efforts and bringing structure to the West Wing will fall largely to Mr. Emanuel, the fiercely competitive and sharp-tongued Chicagoan who is giving up his House leadership post to work for Mr. Obama. He is well-positioned to bridge the Obama and Clinton camps.

Reuters
With a reputation as sullied as his, who will listen to him extol the virtue of a virtous life.
But, perhaps my memory is failing me, did we not hear all these money politics issues during the 22 years rule of Dr M?
Why be such a hypocrite and make as if he's all pure and virtous?