P.M Najib The art of the political analogy "It is quite silly to call Pakatan populist and irresponsible just because he has no answers of his own

"IT IS QUITE SILLY TO CALL PAKATAN POPULIST AND IRRESPONSIBLE JUST BECAUSE HE HAS NO ANSWERS OF HIS OWN. CAN NAJIB PROMISE TO REPEAL THE ISA, ABOLISH THE PUBLICATIONS AND PRINTING PRESSES ACT, RESTORE CONFIDENCE IN THE JUDICIARY AND INSTITUTIONS LIKE THE ELECTION COMMISSION, ANTI-GRAFT AGENCIES BY MAKING THEM INDEPENDENT AND NOT AT THE BECK AND CALL OF THE RULING ELITE? NAJIB WOULD NEVER DARE," PKR VICE PRESIDENT TIAN CHUA TOLD

"THE POWER IS ALREADY IS IN HIS HAND TO REFORM MALAYSIA. BUT HE IS NOT DOING ANYTHING AND HE CANNOT DENY HE HAS FAILED TO DO ANYTHING."

picture from AFP

We’re constantly bombarded with political analogies from government spokespersons, activists, academics and analysts that it has been a great challenge keeping up. Add to that those analogies that become culturally embedded in our thinking, depending on where we stand on an issue; I was curious whether we are left more informed as a result, or less informed?

Argentinian writer Jorge Luis Borges couldn’t see the point of the Falklands War between Britain and Argentina, and when asked to describe it, claimed it was a case of "two bald men arguing over a comb."

While trying to understand the legacy of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk and the relationship between the military and the government in Turkey in our film "The Father of the Turks" we came across retired Lt. Gen. Oktar Ataman. He informed us that when his son was young he had bought him a train set, but the little boy always set the speed too high and often the train derailed. It was up to him, the father, to put the train back on track, and that was what the army had to do in Turkey from time to time. "Coup d'état" has never sounded more well-meaning.

Maged Reda Boutros, who often appears on our screens defending the Egyptian government, explained the extension of Egypt’s 30 year emergency law to me in equally paternalistic terms, this time he was the child: “When I was a boy my father placed iron bars outside my window. I was angry because this violated my divine rights; but it was only when I grew up that I realised the wisdom of the bars, that he was doing this to protect me.” Presumably the 80 million Egyptians just have to grow up to understand that it was all for their good.

Staying with Africa, and from north to south, where violent xenophobic attacks in South Africa against fellow Africans, mainly underpinned by economic woes, was described to me by one academic in these terms: “When you get fired from your job, it’s difficult to attack your boss, or the company, but much easier to go back home and beat up your wife."

Father-son, husband-wife - I wonder what Freud would think about us keeping many of our analogies in the family?

South Africa also appears prominently in the (since we’re on the family theme) mother of all war of words, analogy-wise, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

Illegal Israeli settlements built on Palestinian land have fragmented the West Bank into numerous, discontinuous cantons that resemble South Africa’s former "Bantustans", or black-only homelands.

The BDS (Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions) movement uses “Bantustan" often, and refers to the 4-decade long Israeli occupation of Palestinian land as “Apartheid".

In defending the war on Gaza days after it launched in December 2008, former Israeli Ambassador to the UN, Dan Gillerman, turned to the rhetorical analogy by asking me: “What would the people of Doha, Qatar, do if their neighbour was bombing them and firing thousands of rockets at them? They wouldn’t send them bouquets of flowers..."

It’s a pity the analogy couldn’t have maximum effect, at least not when I had to remind him that Qatar hasn’t militarily occupied any of its neighbours, including controlling their ports, airspace and borders.

Mustafa Barghouti, Ali Abunimah and other Palestinian activists have recently favoured the pizza analogy. “Two sides are negotiating over a pizza but one side, the Israelis keep eating the pizza!” A strong indication that Italy needs to play a stronger role in EU mediation attempts at resolving the conflict, since the Quartet has failed.

When the Quartet named former British PM Tony Blair as its envoy to bring peace to the Middle-East, Abdel-Bari Atwan of Al-Quds Al-Arabi said this was like putting “the fox in charge of the henhouse.”

Wikileaks’ Julian Assange has equated the campaign against him as similar to persecution against the Jews.

“All sorts of abusive statements were made against the Jewish people in the 1950s and before. I’m not the Jewish people, but the people who believe in freedom of speech and accountability (are in the same position).”

Odd.

Back to Africa - there’s an exchange that I’m still trying to understand, amid the odd spasm of laughter that intrudes, from over 3 years ago. I was moderating a debate that included Siraj Uldeen Hamid from Sudan’s Foreign Ministry and Abdel Wahid Al-Nur, the head of the SLM Darfur rebel movement. Hamid mentioned that Al-Nur was “mixed up” in his demands of the state, and that he was “putting the cart before the horse” with his conditions for resuming dialogue.

Al-Nur responded: “Siraj Uldeen Hamid is talking of carts and horses, that is eighteenth century, nowadays we have Ferrari, which is quicker, with the engine at the back, but let us get back to speaking clearly about the problem...”

Speaking clearly indeed.

Fathers and sons, husbands and wives, pizzas and trains, Ferraris and henhouses.

The political analogy, which when used correctly, can crush an opponents’ argument with one slick, sharp, well-timed motion - or it can make you look quite silly.

I’ve been privileged to hear a medley of these over the years, and some are fascinating, some disturbing, some jaw-dropping and a few just downright weird.

What do you think about political analogies? Has it become an art form? Do they muddy the waters of understanding, or illuminate the mysteries of international relations? Are there any analogies that you’d like to share? Send them via your comments below.

For my own analogical twist to a quip from former Indian cricketer Navjot Singh Sidhu: I think political analogies are like miniskirts - what they reveal is suggestive, what they hide is essential.

Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim called on Pakatan Rakyat last night to “attack” Barisan Nasional in Selangor, saying the time for defensive action was over.

The opposition leader called the Selangor state secretary impasse — which has occupied the attention of Selangor PR leaders for more than two weeks now — a “small issue” that could be overcome as PR had a “mandate” in the state.

The PKR de facto leader said PR could hit back at BN and ensure that Selangor remains in the hands of the federal opposition by focusing on welfare work and exemplary administration.

“Let’s not pay heed (to Umno’s attacks). We will attack and we will step up our service,” he told a rally of more than 8,000 PAS supporters at Stadium Malawati here last night.

“Selangor must be strong... When we are strong the battlefield will no longer (just) be Selangor. The battlefield will stretch to Negri Sembilan and Malacca, the borders of Johor, to Tenang, the Federal Territory... and Selangor must lead (the fight).”

Anwar told supporters that it was wrong to think Umno was strong as it had “run out of capital” and was now resorting to what he claimed were desperate tactics to keep power.

He also claimed Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak’s meeting with BN MPs last week was a sign that Umno was now in the midst of a “catastrophe”.

“This is the first time the prime minister has had to meet with MPs for 15 minutes each,” he said.

The country’s richest state has been in turmoil for the past week since the Chief Secretary to the Government named Datuk Mohd Khusrin Munawi to the post to replace outgoing State Secretary Datuk Ramli Mahmud.

The PR state government has rejected Khusrin’s appointment and insists it has the right to name its own person for the job.

The row over Khusrin’s appointment has escalated to the point where the PKR-led state government is now seeking to amend the state constitution to allow it to regain the pre-1993 authority to appoint the state secretary and other senior civil servants.

Selangor Mentri Besar Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim also said that there would be no oath-taking ceremony between newly-appointed Khusrin and himself, adding that the latter will not be allowed to attend any executive council or state economic council meetings.

Umno has seized on the turmoil in the state by attacking the Selangor PR administration for allegedly going against the Sultan’s wishes.

The attacks from Umno appeared to be focused on winning over support from conservative Malays.

In the same league as main political rival Anwar Ibrahim in terms of mental agillity, it finally occurred to Prime Minister Najib Razak it might be a good idea to lash out at the Pakatan Rakyat's 100-day reform plan that has worried his ruling BN coalition since it was unveiled a month ago.

"It is quite silly to call Pakatan populist and irresponsible just because he has no answers of his own. Can Najib promise to repeal the ISA, abolish the Publications and Printing Presses Act, restore confidence in the judiciary and institutions like the Election Commission, anti-graft agencies by making them independent and not at the beck and call of the ruling elite? Najib would never dare," PKR vice president Tian Chua told

"The power is already is in his hand to reform Malaysia. But he is not doing anything and he cannot deny he has failed to do anything."

Najibnomics

Indeed, Najib's main rationale for rejecting the Pakatan reform plan was that it did not take into account the limitations of the "country’s finances".

“We cannot take such a populist approach to the point where we sacrifice our country’s future. We cannot afford to do that, it would be irresponsible to the point where our children and our grandchildren will pay the price and suffer. As a matter of fact, we do not even have to wait for our children or grandchildren, according to our calculations, if these promises are implemented without taking into account the country’s finances, it would just take two years,”Malaysian Insider reported Najib as saying.

Yet, his own administration has projected bankruptcy for Malaysia within 8 years or by 2019 if he did not cut government subsidies on consumer essentials.

Economic experts have pointed out it made more sense to save Malaysia and restore investors' confidence by tackling the real problem, which was large-scale high-level government corruption and wastage that had caused billions of ringgit to be leaked out from the financial system and siphoned out of the country.

BN has lost and Pakatan deserves a chance

At the Pakatan Rakyat national congress last month, the three partners - DAP, PAS and PKR - had unveiled a new 10-point manifesto that they promised would be executed within 100 days of their wresting control of Putrajaya - the administrative capital of Malaysia's federal government.

The 100-day promises are:

1. A restructure of institutions including the Elections Commission (EC), the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC), the Attorney-General’s Chambers and the Royal Malaysian Police. During a debate on the policy framework, DAP’s Anthony Loke said PR bring the MACC under the purview of Parliament.

2. A repeal of the Internal Security Act (ISA)

3. Instruct Khazanah Berhad, Employees’ Provident Fund (EPF) and other government bodies to take over highway assets from the concessionaires in order to abolish the toll system.

4. A restructure of the country’s subsidies, to lessen subsidies given to the private sector (such as the RM19 billion in gas subsidies given to independent power producers) and transferring these to subsidies for the man on the street.

5. Acknowledging the role and sacrifices of civil servants by studying the current pay schemes and increasing the incentives for teachers by RM500 a month

6. Transferring private water concessions to the government

7. Offering free wireless Internet access to those in urban and semi-urban areas

8. Cancelling Felda Plantations and opening up its farms to second- and third generation Felda settlers.

9. Increasing oil royalty payments to Sabah, Sarawak, Terengganu and Kelantan to 20 per cent from 5 per cent currently.

10. Formation of a Royal Commission to solve the problem of illegal immigrants and citizenship issues in Sabah and Sarawak.